13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE FRENCH SOCIETY OF SPORT SOCIOLOGY

Department of Sciences and Techniques of Sports and Physical Activities

University of Reims Champagne-Ardenne (URCA)

Reims, June 4, 5, and 6, 2025

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The Commodification of Sport:

Dynamics and Modalities of Physical Activities

CALL FOR PAPERS

Deadline for submissions: December 20, 2024

Contact: 3slf-congres-2025@univ-reims.fr and website: https://3slf-2025.sciencesconf.org/

Introduction:

Since the 1980s, the sociology of sport has focused on the complex dynamics affecting sport, highlighting the increasing influence of market logics. This is evidenced by studies dedicated to outdoor recreational spaces (Schwob & Jarthon, 2023) or fitness centers (Bessy, 1987; Louchet & Hidri Neys, 2018; Raveneau, 2008; Travaillot, 1998). These practices, often associated with an economic model based on the purchase of sports equipment, subscriptions, or the consumption of services, reveal not only the evolution of the expectations of practitioners but also the professional groups and management logics in this sector (Hidri Neys & Bohuon, 2008). Richet and Soulé (2008) or Camporelli (2022) illustrate how lifeguards—professionals once focused on safety and pedagogy—now navigate an environment dominated by commercial skills and management of the relationship with "clients." A similar evolution is observed among influencers, whose working conditions and professional identities have been altered by economic pressures and consumer expectations (Godefroy, 2021). Gender, as an analytical framework for these dynamics, proves particularly heuristic in understanding the effects of economic constraints on the production of media messages by influencers and, more broadly, by female athletes (Godefroy, 2024; Guérandelc & Hidri Neys, 2024). We should also note the weight of body norms valued in sports spaces (Louchet & Hidri Neys, 2018).

The commodification of sport also affects the functioning of sports organizations, whether they are components of the state, local authorities, federations, associations, commercial enterprises, or the educational system. Regardless of their legal status, these organizations are today subject to the injunction to implement marketing policies or manage their image, as well as strategies to seek private funding, leading to a transformation of their governance modes. Socio-educational organizations that mobilize sport are also impacted by these developments. Since the early 2000s, managerial principles have been imposed particularly in the social and medico-social sectors, where a process of "commercialization" transforms consciousness and renews engagement modes (Chauvière, 2010). All these changes raise questions about the nature and values associated with sport in a society increasingly grappling with pervasive market logics.

This congress will thus provide an opportunity to explore the broad theme of the commodification of sport, considered in the sectors of sports events, leisure, but also education, socio-sport, adapted physical activity, health and well-being, or finally in connection with the issues of performance and sports innovation.

It aims to question the definition and modalities of various forms of commodification in sport, from both empirical and theoretical perspectives. Boltanski and Esquerre (2017), for example, demonstrate how the value of a good or service is no longer based solely on its production cost or utility but also on its history, provenance, or perceived authenticity. Commodification can thus be understood as a new production process by which goods or services are endowed with new cultural, historical, or symbolic values that construct their economic value, as seen when a heritage strategy is deployed around an infrastructure or a sports club (Dumons, 2011; Wilson, 2022). Callon (2017) reminds us that markets are social constructions that emerge from complex processes of innovation, regulation, and interaction among various actors. Markets are structured by norms, rules, and conventions that make them possible and govern their functioning. Callon further explores how markets extend their influence over areas traditionally considered outside the economic sphere (e.g., health and environment) by showing how they are gradually subjected to market logics. This process leads to a profound transformation of values and social relations. The challenge is then to analyze how market logics shape social relations of class, gender, race, age, and generation.

One of the ambitions of the congress is to gather presentations focusing on the market value of physical practices, along three main axes.

The contemporary sports landscape is marked by a renewal of practices linked to environmental concerns. Activities such as climbing (Zimmermann, Ito & Chung Saura, 2021) or surfing (Falaix, 2017; Falaix, Lemarié & Lafargue, 2021; Guibert, 2020) are increasingly popular, as they resonate with themes of ecology, sustainable development, sports health, and well-being. Whether through the rise of outdoor sports or the growing popularity of eco-friendly modes of transportation such as cycling, these practices respond to a demand for more sustainable lifestyles and repeated interactions with nature. However, these new forms of practice raise questions about the evolving relationship between sport and the environment. How do these new activities redefine the use of public and natural spaces? What is their role in local sustainable development policies, and to what extent do they encourage ecological transition?

These new practices also invite reflection on their dissemination to less-studied populations, such as seniors who engage in sports activities to maintain health and well-being, or children who are encouraged to become familiar with physical activity. This leads to considerations of inclusion and accessibility, creating social conditions for the participation of all, including people with disabilities and impairments (Ferez et al., 2020; Ferez & Marcellini, 2024; Sayeux, 2024), as well as LGBTQ+ individuals (Ferez & Liotard, 2019). Unlike public services, private providers are not obligated to cater to all audiences: Are there financial and/or social forms of exclusion, or are we witnessing the emergence of new "target groups" linked to evolving markets within private organizations operating in a competitive system? The development of private offerings aimed at seniors, children, adolescents, or even exclusively women can serve as indicators of changing relationships with sports practices. This is also reflected in the growth of private climbing gyms, yoga/surf retreats, treks, sports camps offered by certain agencies, and the expansion of nature-based events like (ultra)trail races.

This first axis also invites us to examine the consequences of sports professionalization in light of the increasing commodification of sports. The values and sports norms established by elites in the 19th century were built around amateurism and financial disinterest before being spread across all social categories (Fleuriel, 1997; Schotté, 2011; Terret 2016). The influx of monetary flows from sponsorships—and later, from the sale of broadcasting rights—has altered the relationship between societies and sport. Researchers from different academic disciplines and schools of thought adopt varied positions on this. While management sciences analyze commodification principles through the lens of performance and economic optimization (Chanavat & Desbordes, 2013; Lanfranchi, 2004; Tribou, Dermit, & Wojak, 2018), sociology and anthropology offer more nuanced (Arnal, 2018; Corbin, Courtine & Vigarello, 2011; Vigarello, 1995, 2006) or even critical perspectives (Brohm, 1976, 2024). Regardless of their epistemological stance, these authors highlight how the growing financial stakes in high-level sports impact the behavior of all stakeholders. In cycling, for example, the rise in prize money has led to increased rationalization of sports performance among teams and athletes. In football, club owners' growth and acquisition strategies reshape the relationship between supporters and their clubs (Bromberger, 1995; Falcoz & Walter, 2009; Schotté, 2022; Wahl, 1986; Wittersheim, 2014). Within the media ecosystem, the evolution of sports journalists' working conditions, intertwined with the dynamics of sports professionalization and commercialization, tends to reinforce gender inequalities (Montañola, 2024).

Building on these studies on sports professionalization, some scholars have focused on potential "drifts" motivated by the pursuit of financial and/or symbolic gains (e.g., Andreff, 2021). Among the most frequently studied issues are doping, illegal sports betting, financial misconduct, and corruption. Given their illegality and confidential nature, these practices are difficult to identify and quantify. However, they can be analyzed as social phenomena linked to political and institutional dynamics. This raises questions about possible connections between these phenomena and the diverse dynamics of commodification. Beyond monetary considerations, it is also important to examine the symbolic recognition that sports professionalization entails. The transactions at play reveal upward and downward social mobility, as well as relationships of power, authority, and dominance. In the context of mega-sports events, this includes questioning the assertion of national identities and the cultivation of soft power (Nye, 2004), that is, the influence of sport in international diplomatic relations (Augustin & Guillon, 2021; Ferrand, Chappelet & Séguin, 2012).

A second research axis focuses on the origins and effects of attributing value to goods or services within the commercial sectors (e.g., professional clubs, media, businesses, sponsors) and non-commercial sectors (e.g., state, local authorities, sports and socio-sport associations, educational institutions) on sports organizations. This axis may address how public policies influence the commodification of sports, such as the emergence of the digital health-sport market in the workplace (Pierre & Dalla Pria, 2022), socio-sport initiatives, and sport for development (Joly & Le Yondre, 2021), as well as forms of regulation and deregulation by the state and its public policies, or private/public partnerships (Boykoff, 2014). Contributions could also discuss the effects of public labeling schemes as a political governance tool (Bergeron et al., 2014). The focus is not only on analyzing the economic value of sports but also on understanding how the ideological values associated with it—such as the cult of performance, fair play, equality, solidarity, and inclusion (Ehrenberg, 1991; Gasparini, 2008)—interact with commodification processes (Bonnet, 2020).

Different dynamics are observed in the non-commercial sector. The belief in a sporting product’s ability to meet perceived essential needs for individuals’ lives can lead to the provision of that product for free or at a minimal cost to ensure accessibility for the largest number of people. This (quasi) free provision does not mean that the good or service is free from commodification, but rather that the main cost of making it available is borne by a third party or organization that ensures its accessibility. For example, this is the case with sports goods and services produced by the associative sector under a public interest mandate, by the public sector—which subsidizes part of its services to make them more accessible—or through the volunteer engagement that the commodification of sports prompts us to question.

Contemporary reflections seek to go beyond the mere framework of commodification to think about the economic and symbolic value generated in the sports field by incorporating the social dimension of sport, particularly in the context of public contracts and major international sporting events (Barget & Gouguet, 2010; Bastien, Gouguet & Rougier, 2022; Bourg & Gouguet, 2017; Charrier et al., 2020; Gouguet, 2021). Research questions the establishment of new reference points for the value attributed to an activity sector, such as that related to sport. Among all the potential lines of inquiry, two approaches can be prioritized, though they are not mutually exclusive. The first approach draws on monetary and symbolic indicators from the commercial sector to understand the non-commercial sector, as evidenced by the recognition of volunteer activities within the economic model of associations (Bastien, 2019). The second approach assumes from the outset that the economic and social effects of sport can only be assessed using qualitative indicators, such as well-being, social cohesion, and public health. These qualitative indicators may eventually complement or replace more traditional and quantitative approaches, including public and private sports revenues, which reflect the economic weight of sport. These reflections on indicators are often inspired by the sectors of social and solidarity economy as well as the social and health sectors (Delouette & Jany-Catrice, 2015; Hély, 2010; Studer, 2021; Trouvé & Jolivet, 2009). Thus, commodification is partly linked to the question of measuring the effects produced.

In a third axis, it is important to examine how occupations, professions, vocations, and statuses in sports are influenced by commercialization (Tripier, Dubard, & Boussard, 2015). Fields related to sports journalism, social media, the distribution of sports articles, the management of sports organizations, supervision, animation, and teaching of physical and sports activities are all examples that are "shaped" by commercialization (Julhe & Honta, 2021; Michot & Shorlé, 2006). The emergence of "new" professions or their evolution also raises questions related to "jurisdiction" (Abbot, 1988), the (re)composition of professional identities, career dynamics, and, although this list is not exhaustive, training institutions and professional certifications.

Alongside these professions, consideration should be given to the integration of training for physical education teachers within an ecosystem governing the commercialization of physical activities (Froissart, Paintendre & Saint-Martin, 2021; Perez-Roux, 2011). Since physical education (PE) is mandatory from elementary school until the age of 16 in both public and private institutions under contract, PE teachers in primary education have been tasked with training citizens who are expected to be "role models" (Attali & Saint-Martin, 2021; Bréhon & Chovaux, 2009; Klein, 2003; Martin, 1999). From a critical perspective, the training raises questions: the main characteristics imparted relate to notions of bodily hygiene, physical or sports performance, immediate and future active lifestyles, well-being, and eco-citizenship (Marsault, 2009), according to issues that fall under normative practices (UNESCO, 2021). Indeed, through training, public institutions aim to reduce the economic cost of diseases related to sedentary lifestyles and physical inactivity (e.g., type 2 diabetes), the acceleration of social rhythms (e.g., burnout, depression), and environmental upheavals (Schnitzler & Saint-Martin, 2021). For example, in primary schools, there is a question of how to integrate PE with a range of initiatives developed to address these issues, such as “Savoir Rouler à Vélo” and the promotion of 30 minutes of daily physical activity.

For over 50 years, the education and motor skills program within UEREPS and then UFR STAPS—which trains professionals in physical education teaching and sports intervention (Durand, 2001)—can be seen as an investment by the French state to promote active lifestyles and reduce healthcare expenditures. However, this approach can also lead to a critique of the bodily profitability of citizens who must be physically and socially educated to minimize their cost to the state. Beyond socio-economic issues, it is essential to study and deconstruct this analysis through social determinants, power relations, and controversies related to the underlying values of these models. In this regard, the sociology of professions and gender (Guérandel, 2014, 2017, 2024), as well as critical sociology, may potentially serve as a basis for reflection (Callède, 2007; Chevallier-Le Guyader, 2015; Raynaud, 2018; Rosa, 2022).

Proposals outside the theme are welcome.

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